युवा कांग्रेस और NSUI में चुनाव: बदलाव बेहतर होगा

नोट: मैं अतुल सिंघानिया का आभारी हूँ जिन्होंने इस लेख का हिंदी अनुवाद किया है. 

उत्तर प्रदेश और पंजाब में हुए विधानसभा चुनावों के पश्चात, बहुत लोगों ने NSUI और युवा कांग्रेस के पदों के लिए कराये जा रहे चुनावों की उपयोगिता पर सवाल उठाने शुरू कर दिए हैं. लोगों का मत है कि इन संस्थाओं में चुनाव तीन कारणों से उपयोगी नहीं रहे हैं -

 i. चुनाव अपनी ही पार्टी के लोगों में आपसी वैमनस्यता बढ़ा कर कटुता पैदा करते हैं. 

ii. जीते हुए प्रत्याशी को किसी को भी पुरस्कृत या दण्डित करने का कोई अधिकार नहीं होता. इस वजह से उनकी कोई नहीं सुनता. सर्वोच्च अधिकार मुख्य रूप से नियुक्त की गयी केन्द्रीय कमिटी के पास होता है. 

iii. चुनाव चयनित पदाधिकारियों के मन में महत्वाकांक्षाएं बढ़ा देते हैं: उन्हें ऐसा लगने लगता है कि चुनाव जीत जाने से उन्हें आम चुनाव में पार्टी टिकट पर चुनाव लड़ने का अधिकार मिल जाता है. ये महान महत्वाकांक्षाएं बहुत ही कम पूरी होती हैं.

मैं चुनाव करवाने के पूरी तरह से पक्ष में हूँ. महान विंस्टन चर्चिल के शब्दों में व्याख्या करें तो "चुनाव करवाना युवा कांग्रेस को चलाने के अन्य सभी अजमाए हुए तरीकों से कम ख़राब विकल्प है." सबसे उपयुक्त व्यक्तियों को चुनने के लिए इससे बेहतर कोई भी तरीका नहीं हो सकता. मेरा मत है कि इस प्रकिया में गलती यह है कि चुनाव अपने आप में चयनित पदाधिकारियों को अधिकार नहीं देते. इसके विपरीत चुनाव यह सुनिश्चित करते हैं कि चुने हुए पदाधिकारी आपस में एक दूसरे के प्रति पहले ही दिन से गहरा अविश्वास करते हैं: या तो वे एक दूसरे के विरोध में काम करते हैं या काम ही नहीं करते.

हमारे सिस्टम में ऐसा कुछ भी नहीं है जिससे कि प्रत्याशियों में चुनाव के बाद वापस रिश्ते सामान्य हों. रिश्ते सामान्य होने से मेरा मतलब यह नहीं है कि उन लोगों के बीच फिर से स्नेह और प्यार बहाल हो जाए. जो प्रक्रिया जीत और पराजय निश्चित करवाती है, उससे यह अपेक्षा रखना कुछ ज्यादा ही हो जाएगा. लेकिन रिश्ते बहाली से यह जरुर अपेक्षा की जा सकती है कि एक अच्छा "कामकाजी सम्बन्ध" बनाया जाए जो पार्टी के हित में हो. यह तभी संभव है जब हम उस पदानुक्रम को स्वीकार करें जो चुनाव की वजह से उत्पन्न होता है.

चुनाव द्वारा हमारे युवा नेताओं को चुनना यदि सबसे उपयुक्त तरीका न भी हो तब भी निसंदेह ही सबसे कम बुराइयों वाला तरीका है. लेकिन इसमें दिक्कत जो मुझे समझ में आती है वह यह है कि चुने हुए लोगों को जवाबदारी तो पूरी सौंप दी जाती है लेकिन उन जवाबदारियों को निभाने के लिए कोई भी अधिकार नहीं दिए जाते. कोई भी प्रबंधन का छात्र यह भली भांति जानता होगा कि यह तरीका बर्बादी की राह पर ले जाता है. वर्तमान व्ययस्था में चुने हुए लोगों से अधिकार लेकर अचयनित और नियुक्त की गयी केन्द्रीय कमिटी के हाथों में दे दिए जाते हैं.

इस समस्या को दो तरह से सुलझाया जा सकता है:

i. केंद्रीय कमिटी जो सबसे ऊपर रहती है उसके भी चुनाव करवाए जाएँ.

ii. राज्य से लेकर पंचायत स्तर तक हर जगह चुने हुए कमिटी के मुखिया को यह अधिकार दिए जाएँ कि वे अपने साथ काम करने वाले सदस्यों की नियुक्ति कर सकें और उन्हें अनुशाशन में रख सकें. मुखिया को यह बुनियादी अधिकार दिए बिना अनुशासनहीनता की समस्या जस की तस बनी रहेगी. कमिटी के अध्यक्ष को यह अधिकार होना चाहिए कि वह अपने हिसाब से कम से कम पांच सचिवों की नियुक्ति कर सके (बशर्ते वे कुछ तय किये गए मापदंडों में खरे उतरते हो) और कमिटी के बाकी चुने हुए सदस्यों पर अध्यक्ष जरुरत पड़ने पर अनुशासनात्मक कार्यवाही कर सके (जो कि एक खुली प्रक्रिया के तहत हो और जिसमे सदस्य के पास अपील का अधिकार हो).

जहाँ तक विजयी प्रत्याशियों में बढ़ी हुई महत्वकांक्षा का सवाल है, यह काफी स्वाभाविक है. लेकिन संगठनात्मक चुनाव में विजय प्रत्याशी को आम चुनाव में पार्टी टिकेट का न तो हकदार बना सकती है और न ही बनाना चाहिए. उसके प्रदर्शन का मूल्याँकन करने के लिए विषयनिष्ठ पैमाने तय किये जाने चाहिए. "पहचान" केवल सैद्धांतिक प्रतिरूप बनकर नहीं रह जाना चाहिए: इसका सीधा सम्बन्ध टिकट आबंटन से होनी चाहिए. दुर्भाग्यवश इन चुने हुए पदाधिकारियों को कोई अधिकार न देना- और उन्हें ऐसे लोगों के प्रति उत्तरदायी बनाना जो खुद चयन से न आकर नियुक्ति प्रक्रिया से आये हैं- पदाधिकारियों को अपनी पूरी क्षमता से काम करने से मुश्किल कर देता है. मुझे विश्वास है कि पदाधिकारियों को अधिकार मिलने के बाद उनका प्रदर्शन बहुत हद तक सुधरेगा. और सब कुछ ठीक तरह चलने से वे लोग समय के साथ पार्टी टिकट के स्वाभाविक दावेदार होंगे. उन्हें बस संयम बरतना और सही समय का इंतज़ार करना सीखना होगा.

जहाँ तक चुनाव के समय का सवाल है, उत्तरप्रदेश, पंजाब, झारखण्ड और बिहार ने हमे यह सिखाया है कि सबसे उपयुक्त होगा अगर NSUI और युवा कांग्रेस के संगठन के चुनाव विधान सभा चुनाव या आम चुनाव के कम से कम दो साल पहले करवाए जाएँ. इससे सम्बंधित राज्य कमिटी या केंद्रीय कमिटी को काम करने के लिए उनके तय कार्यकाल की पूरी अवधि मिलेगी. इसका फ़ायदा यह भी होगा कि संगठनात्मक चुनाव के दौरान उत्त्पन्न हुई कटुता को नरम पड़ने के लिए समय मिल जाएगा और चयनित कमिटियों को अपनी उपयोगिता साबित करने का पूरा अवसर मिलेगा.

युवा कांग्रेस के चुनाव की पद्धति में लगातार फेरबदल हुए हैं:

i. पहले विधानसभा कमिटियों के लिए सीधे चुनाव होते थे, उसे बदल कर पंचायतों और वार्डों के डेलीगेट को अपना विधानसभा अध्यक्ष चुनने का अधिकार दिया गया (जिससे कि युवा कांग्रेस सदस्यता अभियान ग्रामीण क्षेत्रों तक पहुँच सके).

ii. पहले पंचायत स्तर के डेलीगेट विधानसभा और लोकसभा कमिटी चुनते थे, और यह कमिटियाँ फिर राज्य की कमिटी चुनती थी (चरणबद्ध तरीके से मतदान). इसे बदल कर एक ही चरण में मतदाताओं द्वारा एक साथ विधान सभा, लोक सभा और राज्य की कमिटियों की चुनाव प्रक्रिया निर्धारित करी गयी. ऐसा इसलिए किया गया जिससे कि डेलीगेट की खरीद फरोक्त को जहाँ तक संभव हो रोका जा सके और यह सुनिश्चित किया जा सके कि जिस प्रत्याशी का सबसे ज्यादा प्रभाव और संजाल है वह चुनाव जीते.

iii. सबसे ताजे बदलाव में पंचायतों और वार्डों की जगह मतदान बूथों को मूलभूत निर्वाचक इकाई बनाया गया है (जिससे कि संगठनात्मक चुनावों को आम चुनाव की पद्धति पर लाया जा सके और बेहतर बूथ स्तर का प्रबंधन सुनिश्चित किया जा सके).

परिवर्तन- मौजूदा प्रक्रिया की कमी को पहचानना और उसमे सुधार करना- हमारी सबसे बड़ी ताकत है. लेकिन अभी तक सारे परिवर्तन चुनाव करवाने की प्रक्रिया तक ही सीमित रहे हैं. समय आ गया है कि परिवर्तन के सिद्धांत को चुनी हुई कमिटियों की कार्यप्रणाली पर लागू किया जाए. और जो संस्था इन परिवर्तनों को लागू करती है उसमे भी परिवर्तन किया जाए. इसमें कोई संदेह नहीं कि फेम एक बहुत ही इज्ज़तदार संस्था है लेकिन वह पूरी तरह से गैर राजनितिक है. इस वजह से कई बार राजनैतिक कारणों को पूरी तरह से नज़र अंदाज़ कर दिया जाता है. हाल ही में फेम द्वारा उठाये गए कदमो पर मनमानी और गुपचुप तरीके से बिना पारदर्शिता के काम करने के आरोप लगे हैं. (उदाहरण के तौर पर हिमाचल प्रदेश और कर्नाटक युवा कांग्रेस के चुनाव में विजयी प्रत्याक्षी को अयोग्य घोषित करना और पुनः चुनाव करवाने के पीछे जो आधार दिया गया था, उसे फेम द्वारा छत्तीसगढ़ में पिछले NSUI चुनावों के दौरान पूरी तरह से नज़र अंदाज़ कर दिया गया.)

इसका कारण जो मुझे समझ में आता है वह यह है कि चुनाव आयोग जो भारत में आम चुनाव करवाता है उसके सारे निर्णय न्यायिक समीक्षा के दायरे में आते हैं लेकिन फेम द्वारा लिए गए किसी भी निर्णय को न्यायिक समीक्षा की परिधि से बहार रखा गया है. ऐसा करने के पीछे मुख्य कारण यह है कि न्यायिक समीक्षा से पार्टी के भीतर अनुशासनहीनता फ़ैल सकती है. यदि पार्टी इस नियम को हटा दे तो मुझे विश्वास है कि फेम पर यह आरोप लगने कम हो जायेंगे. मुझे यह भी विश्वास है कि फेम को पार्टी द्वारा ऐसा करने में कोई भी आपत्ति नहीं होनी चाहिए.

हमे यह नहीं भूलना चाहिए कि हम एक राजनैतिक संस्था हैं जिसका मुख्य उद्देश्य चुनाव जीतना है.  इसलिए सर्वोच्च संस्था द्वारा लिए गए सभी निर्णय राजनैतिक होने चाहिए. एक पूरी तरह से गैर-राजनैतिक संस्था- जो हो सकता है कि हमारी विचारधारा से सहमत न हो और हमारे राजनैतिक हितों से भी मेल न खाती हो- के हाथों में स्वयं को पूरी तरह से और निशर्त सौंप देना कहीं न कहीं अपने राजनैतिक चरित्र के साथ समझौता करना है. फेम के पास नियमो को लागू करने का सर्वोच्च अधिकार होना चाहिए लेकिन उन नियमों को बनाने का, उनमे बदलाव करने का और नियम को हटाने का अधिकार सिर्फ और सिर्फ एक ऐसी हस्ती को होना चाहिए जो पूर्ण रूप से हमारी विचारधारा के प्रति समर्पित हो और पार्टी हित ही जिसका एकमात्र उद्देश्य हो.

अंततः मैं यह स्पष्ट करना चाहता हूँ कि मैं एक क्षण के लिए भी यह नहीं कह रहा कि मेरे द्वारा यहाँ दिए गए सुझावों का आँख मूँद कर अनुसरण किया जाए. मैं सिर्फ यह उम्मीद कर सकता हूँ कि इस लेख में मेरे द्वारा उठाये गए मुद्दे कांग्रेस पार्टी के युवाओं के लिए विस्तृतसंवाद के शुरवाती बिंदु बनें. ऐसे समय में, जब बेंजामिन फ्रैंकलिन के शब्दों में "हम सब को एक ही बंधन में रहना चाहिए अन्यथा निश्चित रूप से हम सब अलग-अलग सूली पर लटके नज़र आयेंगे."

Read More (आगे और पढ़ें)......

On Elections in Youth Congress and NSUI: Change Will Do Us Good

In the aftermath of assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh and Punjab many have begun to question the “usefulness” of holding elections in the Youth Congress and NSUI. According to them, elections have proved counter-productive for three reasons. One: they increase bitterness among people belonging to the same party by intensifying rivalries. Two: those who end up winning have little or no authority either to reward or to punish and consequently no one listens to them. Ultimate power continues to be vested in a predominantly nominated National Committee. Three: they heighten expectations among elected office-bearers- that winning elections somehow entitles them to contest on a party ticket in a general election- and these “great expectations” are seldom fulfilled. 

For the record, I am all for holding elections. To paraphrase the great Winston Churchill, “election is the worst form of running the Youth Congress except all the others that have been tried.” As a way of picking the best persons for the job, there can be no better method. The fault, if I may use that word, lies with the fact that elections in themselves do nothing to empower those elected. On the contrary elections ensure that those who come to constitute elected committees harbor deep-rooted distrust for each other from day one. They either work against each other or not at all. 

There is nothing in our system to ensure a return to truce after elections are over and done with. By truce I don’t mean a re-kindling of affection. That might be a bit too much to expect from a process necessarily designed to produce winners and losers. What one can expect however by way of a truce is a “working relationship”: a relationship that works for the greater benefit of the party. This can only be realized by recognizing- and legitimizing- the Hierarchy that elections give rise to. 

Democracy in the form of election is undoubtedly the least worst if not the best way of selecting our youth leadership. But the problem, as I see it, is that those elected are entrusted with all the responsibility without having any authority to discharge those responsibilities. This, as any management student knows only too well, is a recipe for disaster. As it is, authority is taken away from those elected and placed into the hands of an entirely unelected and anointed National Committee. 

This can be remedied in two ways. One: by having an elected National Committee at the top. Two: by giving those elected as heads of committees at various levels (from state to panchayat) the power to appoint and discipline those who are supposed to work with them. Without this most basic power, they will continue to have no authority. Presidents of committees, I would suggest, must have the power to appoint at least 5 secretaries of their choosing (provided of course they fulfill certain norms); and to initiate disciplinary action (subject to procedure and open to appeal) against the rest. 

As far as increased expectations among those elected (in particular the winners) goes, it is only natural. But the mere fact of winning cannot and should not entitle them to a party ticket in a general election: that would depend a lot more on their performance once they have won and gotten elected. There must be an objective criteria for evaluating this performance. "Pehchan" mustn't remain merely a theoretical model: it must be linked directly to ticket-allocation. Unfortunately the fact that they have no authority- and must answer to those who have themselves not been elected- makes it difficult for them to perform to their fullest capacity. Once they have that authority, I sincerely believe, their performance is bound to improve leaps and bounds- and if all goes well, they would in due course emerge as the natural choice for party tickets. All they have to learn then is to be patient and bide for time. 

And while on the subject of time, what UP and Punjab- as also Jharkhand and Bihar- have specifically taught us is that it would be best if the timing of election was so adjusted that it precedes a general and assembly election by a period of not less than two years, i.e. one full term of a committee’s lifespan in the case of national and state committees respectively. This way the bitterness that elections give rise to would have had time to mellow down and the elected committees had time to prove their full worth. 

The way elections have been held in the Youth Congress have regularly undergone changes in the past: direct elections for assembly committees gave way to panchayat and ward level delegates electing them (this was done to increase the geographic spread of membership to rural areas); multi-tier level of electors (with panchayat-level delegates electing assembly and Lok Sabha committees and they in turn voting for the state committee) gave way to a single tier of electors simultaneously voting for assembly, Lok Sabha and state committees (to minimize horse-trading of delegates and also to ensure that those with widest appeal- and network- get elected); and most recently polling booths have replaced panchayats and wards as fundamental electoral-units (to bring organizational elections in line with general elections and ensure better booth-level management). 

Change- the ability to identify shortcomings and improve- therefore continues to be our greatest strength. But thus far all changes have been restricted only to way elections are held. The philosophy of change must perforce now be applied to the way elected committees function. And the agency for applying those changes too must undergo a change. FAME is a widely respected institution no doubt but it is totally non-political. Political considerations are sometimes totally overlooked and its actions have of late become open to allegations of arbitrariness and inquisitorialness. (For instance: the ground cited for disqualification and re-election in Youth Congress elections in Himachal Pradesh and Karnataka was totally ignored by FAME in the last NSUI election in Chhattisgarh.) 

The reason, I believe, is that unlike the decisions of Election Commission of India responsible for conduct of general elections, the decisions taken by FAME are not subject to judicial review for fear that they might constitute party indiscipline: if this impediment were to be removed, by the party itself, I am sure that instances of these allegations would reduce considerably. I am also sure that this is something FAME should have no reason to object to. 

We must not forget that we are after all a political body in the business of winning elections. Decisions at the top must therefore always remain political. By subjecting ourselves utterly and unconditionally to a non-political authority that might not necessarily subscribe to our ideology- or even share our interests- we tend to compromise our political character. FAME should remain the appellate rule-enforcing body; but the rules themselves should be made- and unmade- by a political entity totally and unquestionably committed to our ideology and whose only guiding principle is party-interest. 

Before parting, let me clarify that I am not for one minute advocating that the suggestions made here should be followed blindly. All that I can reasonably hope for is that the issues raised by me in this note might act as a starting point for a more comprehensive debate among the youth of Congress party at a time when, in the words of Benjamin Franklin, “we must, indeed, all hang together, or assuredly we shall all hang separately.” 

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Asia's first robotic walk: A few small steps for Papa, one giant leap for the people of Chhattisgarh!

चलने की सरल प्रक्रिया- पैरों को एक के बाद उठाना ताकि शरीर को आगे बढ़ाया जा सके- उनके लिए अनगिनत अधिक महत्त्व रखता है जो कि, मेरे पिता अजीत जोगी जी के शब्दों में, "पिछले आठ सालों से किसी से आँखों में आँख डालकर बात नहीं कर सका" क्योंकि वो एक व्हीलचैर में बंध गया था. "अब, अंततः," वो कहते हैं, "कि मैं लोगों से आँखें मिलाकर बात कर सकूंगा."

ये विडियो क्लिप पापा को न्यू ज़ीलैंड की एक कंपनी रेक्स बायोनिक्स द्वारा निर्मित रोबोटिक पैर (इ-लेग्स) के जरिए चलते हुए दिखाता है. जब कंपनी उनके लिए ऐसे इ-लेग्स का लगभग दो महीनों बाद निर्माण कर लेगी, तो वे दुनिया के चौथे- और एशिया के पहले- इ-लेग्स इस्तेमाल करने वाले व्यक्ति बन जायेंगे. उन्हें उम्मीद है कि इस तकनीकी क्रांति के चलते बहुत जल्द ही व्हीलचैर अतीत की चीज़ बन जाएगा.

हमारे परिवार और शुभ-चिंतकों के लिए आज- १७ मार्च २०१२- ज़िन्दगी का सबसे ज्यादा ख़ुशी का दिन बन गया है: पापा अकेले नहीं हैं जो नौंवे आसमान पर हैं!

The simple act of walking- lifting one's feet, one at a time, to propel one's body forward- assumes infinitely greater significance for someone who has, to use my father Mr. Ajit Jogi’s words, "not been able to make eye-contact with anyone for eight long years" because of having been straddled to a wheelchair. "Now, finally," he says, "I am able to look people in the eye when I talk to them."

This video-clip shows Papa taking his first steps in Mumbai using a robotic exoskeleton (called e-legs) developed by Rex Bionics, a New Zealand-based company. When his e-leg has been customized (in another 2 months or so), he would become the company's fourth e-leg user in the world (the other three being from the US, Canada and New Zealand)- and it is his fervent hope and desire that continuing advancements in technology would make wheelchairs a thing of the past.

Speaking for our family and well-wishers, today- 17th March 2012- has been, without doubt, the happiest, most momentous day of our lives: Papa is not the only one in Ninth Heaven!

Disclaimer: The author wishes to acknowledge that the background music is from Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart's Eine Kleine Nachtmusik. Read More (आगे और पढ़ें)......

On Rest and Resurgence: Issues Before Chhattisgarh

The past three months- July, August and September- have been restful (though not entirely peaceable, as the novelist Julian Barnes might say!). More than anything else, I owe this rest to the monsoons, which had put a 100-day pause to my public work. Now, I intend to resume that work.

Everywhere farmers are complaining about black-marketing of fertilizers, which sold for as much as Rs. 900 (from a market price of Rs. 250)- and the damage caused to crops from incessant flooding. These are issues which have to be addressed on priority.

Taking advantage of the monsoons and the uplifting of the ban on creation of new districts (which had been in effect for the past 10 years), 9 new districts have been gerrymandered into existence: extremely valid claims of at least 3 regions- Pendra, Manendragarh (our version of Telengana) and Sarangarh- for district-hood have been ignored simply because of selfish and petty political considerations. To their credit, the people of these areas have cut across party lines and risen against this injustice, and it is important that we lend support to their fight.

I also intend to return to Janjgir-Korba, the site of Dr. Raman Singh’s mindless greed: our satyagrahas may have stopped the forceful eviction of landowners from their fertile, irrigated lands to pave the way for power companies but I do not for one moment believe that it is permanent; the companies, riding piggy-back on the state and district administrations, will no doubt return, and my best hope is that by then the Land Acquisition Bill would have been passed by Parliament with retrospective effect (on at least pending projects). The new law would make it mandatory for companies wishing to acquire land to obtain consent of not less than 80% of resident land-users; once that happens, it would mean that the latter can effectively re-take control of their lives.

It is a sentiment shared by Rahul Gandhi. Last month, he told Parliament that what is required to take the menace of Corruption head-on is a multi-pronged Response that is both comprehensive and in-built into our Constitutional framework. The Right to Information Act, 2005 (RTI) is already in place: despite bureaucratic resistance, it has, over the past 6 years, become the single most powerful instrument in unearthing corruption in India. It now needs to be supplemented with equally powerful legislation that would curb and redress corruption in other areas, notably (1) political funding (the way political parties are funded), (2) land acquisitions, (3) illegal mining and (4) implementation of massive centrally-funded projects like MNREGA. In many ways, he has laid a blueprint for tackling corruption that is far wider than any of the several proposed versions of Lokpal, electoral reforms and judicial accountability.

In Chhattisgarh, these 4 areas identified by Rahul ji- together with the systematic pilferage and mismanagement of funds and resources meant to deal with the growing problems of left wing extremism (LWE)- remain the biggest sources of corruption in public life. The use of RTI has been comparatively limited in the state and the bureaucratic opposition in furnishing information significantly stronger. This too needs to be remedied. Even so, it is necessary to wage a systematic fight against this evil: it would require mobilization of public support, particularly among the youth, and not just in urban areas but also in our villages.

In the coming days and months, we need to go to the people of the state to engage them in a constructive debate about the possible ways to weed-out corruption from public life, and ensure that the ideas and suggestions that emerge from that debate are implemented by our state legislature. Ultimately, what is required is a full-scale change of attitude towards corruption: the dawning of the realization that it is not something we are all condemned to live- and die- with, but that with the right approach, it can, and will, be uprooted. The events of these past 3 months have made it amply clear that this has already happened; from here, its no longer a matter of ‘if’ but ‘when’. I am happy to know that on 30th October, the Youth Congress is organizing exactly such a public debate in Raipur, in which youth from all across the state, including students from the soon-to-be newly elected NSUI committees, are expected to participate.

As a political party that has remained in Opposition for a very long time mostly due to our own failings, we- the Congresspersons of Chhattisgarh- are acutely aware that the biggest reason for Dr. Raman Singh’s return to power in 2008 is the large-scale disbursement of funds, looted with impunity from the state exchequer, by the BJP during elections: put simply, they have not won elections but purchased them. This factor has become more pronounced in bye- or to be more apt, ‘buy’- elections. It is, therefore, all the more necessary for us to take the bull of corruption by its horns in Chhattisgarh: if we don’t, the chances of our returning to government in the state would be very slim indeed.

Other long-term goals remain, and we must continue to work towards their fulfillment. The state Youth Congress has already begun its “Sharab-bandi Satyagraha” demanding total prohibition on the sale of liquor in our state. I believe that liquor is the single biggest threat our youth face today: growing addiction to alcohol is not only destroying their lives but also preventing us from claiming our rightful place at the forefront of India’s emergent states. Foregoing Rs. 800 crores in excise duties is a small price to pay for saving Chhattisgarh’s future.

The other long-term goal is to bring pressure on the state government to implement the many promises it had made in its election manifestos: every government must be made to realize the penalty for not keeping its commitments to the people, and for fooling them not once but twice.

I believe that the best way to do all this is by going to the people, through Padyatras.

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Reliving Tendukheda

शीशे का बदन था, पहाड़ों का सफ़र था
घर आ गया हूँ, आपकी दुआओं का असर था

I’ve read Le Bon’s fascinating treatise on mob mentality (La psychologie des foules). Last night, I lived it: on my way to Jabalpur from Mehaka, the farthest outpost of Jabera cut-off from the rest of this assembly constituency by incessant rains and floods, I stopped to have tea at a Congressman and former Nagar Panchayat president, Ramkumar Sahu’s home at Tendukheda; half an hour later, at about 9 pm, when we were about to drive off, a mob of about 200 armed hoodlums, led by Vinod Gotia, the BJP’s state vice president, and Ujiyar Singh, brother of BJP candidate Dashrath Singh, forcibly entered Mr Sahu's house, stoned our car, dragged us out, and beat us mercilessly till we lost consciousness. (Frankly, they could have done a lot worse, especially given the fact that we were totally defenseless and offered relatively no resistance: in that sense, at least, I am grateful to the mob that they- it- didn't go any further.)

Swatantra Agrawal, a close friend of the family, received heavy blows all over his back while bravely defending me from the assailants; Sandeep Sahu, the PYC state general secretary, sustained serious head injuries, and has partially lost hearing in his left ear (even so, he is more scared about what his wife, Seema, would do to him!); Anil Chouhan, my PSO (personal security officer), had his weapon, a pistol, snatched from the mob before he could do anything; Pratap Singh Lodhi and Sachin Yadav, two local Congress leaders, were, I am told, also beaten rather badly.

Mr Sahu’s home, where this incident took place, is less than 50 metres from the local police station. Despite repeated calls, no one came to our rescue. In fact, later at the police station, when Anil complained about the mob having taken away his pistol, the local SDOP, a certain Mr Tiwari, retrieved it in less than 5 minutes; we also heard him receive telephonic instructions from his superior, the SP of Damoh, to ensure that FIR is lodged against us as well (apparently, in the regime of Shivraj Singh, MP’s chief minister, getting beaten is also an offense): to my mind, this is as good a proof of police complicity as any.

Lying here in my bed in room 286 at the Dr Rajendra Prasad Eye Centre at the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS), fully conscious for the first time since last night’s incident, I cannot help but recall that this is not the first time I’ve witnessed the BJP resort to violence to brutally crush all opposition for the purpose of electoral gain: Dilip Singh Judeo, BJP MP, did it to Shailesh Nitin Trivedi, my father’s then-Political Secretary, on the eve of polling for Bilaspur Lok Sabha (April 2009); Kedar Kashyap, BJP minister, did it to Pappu Tiwari, a dhaba owner in Bhanpuri, on the eve of polling for Bastar Lok Sabha bye-election (May 2011). In both cases, the police turned a blind-eye- before, during and after the incidents. I have little doubt that this time would be any different.

In fact, the way I see it- unfortunately, now, with only my left-eye!- things are going to get a lot worse before they start to get better. My only hope is that the people of Jabera, when they rise to go to vote this morning, will not succumb to the BJP's terror tactics; that they will see it for what it really is, a neo-fascist outfit out to manipulate people’s mind with all sorts of lies and cheap-tricks; and that, when all is said and done, truth and justice- and tolerance- will prevail. For that is precisely what my late Mamu (Mummy's kid-brother), Ratnesh Solomon, who served this constituency with all this heart, mind and soul for the past 30 years, stood for.

With that happy thought, I shall now lie down, to let the painkillers take their affect.

PS- To read comments on this post, please visit here, here and here. Read More (आगे और पढ़ें)......

SHOWCASE: THE WORLD OF MOHAN TIWARI

That Mohan Tiwari has a razor-sharp insight into political life was a fact most of us, especially those dabbling in youth politics, are acutely aware of, having faced the full ire of his grilling based on an underlying disbelief of all that we say and do. What I did not know, nor could have imagined, was that his talents stretch beyond a masterly command of words and encompass the realm of visual representation. Needless to say, this combination of journalist and caricaturist is lethal: politicians everywhere now have one more reason to fear not just Mr. Tiwari's pen but also his pencil!

The public, on the other hand, ought to be more than grateful.

To sample more of Mohan Tiwari's acerbic caricatures on contemporary political life, facebook him.

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WORDS THAT CONTINUE TO INSPIRE ME

I have ambitions, and even great ones; however, they do not consist in material satisfactions like holding high places and gaining large sums of money. I seek the realization of these ambitions in the success of a great idea which, while profiting my country, will give me the keen satisfaction of a duty worthily accomplished. That has been the principle of my whole life. I acquired it while I was still quite young, and I shall continue to hold it until my dying breath.

Kemal Atatürk, in a letter to Corinne Lütfü

मेरी महत्वाकांक्षाएं हैं, और महान महत्वाकांक्षाएं भी हैं; लेकिन उनमें उच्च पद रखने या बहुत सारा पैसा पाने जैसे भौतिक संतोष शामिल नहीं हैं. मैं अपनी महत्वाकांक्षाओं की प्राप्ति एक ऐसे महान विचार की सफलता में देखता हूँ, जो मेरे देश को लाभान्वित करने के साथ साथ मुझको अपना कर्त्तव्य योग्यता से निपुण करने की संतुष्टि देगा. यही मेरे जीवन का सिद्धांत रहा है. इसे मैंने उस समय हासिल किया जब मैं काफी जवान था, और मैं इसे अपनी आखरी सांस तक मानता रहूँगा.

कमाल अतातुर्क, कोरीन लुत्फू को लिखे एक पत्र में  

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